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Augusto PinochetGeneral Chilean dictator
Date of Birth: 25.11.1915
Country:  Chile |
Content:
Biography of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte was a Chilean statesman and military leader. He held the rank of General Captain and played a significant role in the country's history. Despite criticism, many recognized that without Pinochet, certain developments would have been impossible. Unlike the military in Argentina, the Chilean military did not engage in corruption.
Pinochet's Arrest and Reputation
Pinochet's arrest in London sparked conversations and questions about his actions. Some journalists even joked that they bring bad luck to the generals they interview. Years before, in London, General Kalugin was arrested after giving an interview about his involvement with the KGB and his role in the assassination of Bulgarian dissident Markov. Just a month after interviewing Pinochet, he was pursued by Interpol and arrested while in the hospital. However, when I entered the office of Senator-for-Life Augusto Pinochet in Valparaiso, he greeted me with a smile and did not resemble the "bloody dictator" in military uniform and dark sunglasses as depicted in photographs. Pinochet only wore sunglasses to protect himself from the sun.
Pinochet's Rise to Power
25 years ago, Pinochet's face became known worldwide. At the age of 57, just 20 days after President Allende appointed him as the Commander-in-Chief, Pinochet led a military coup. According to history textbooks, this marked the end of Chilean history. After the coup, Chile's history was not written. I stood in La Moneda Square in front of the restored palace, trying to understand how a military operation could have been carried out there. The palace was surrounded by administrative buildings, and cars drove just a step and a half away from the motionless guards. If they had shot at the palace as they did at the White House in '93, not a stone would have been left standing. However, they managed to bomb the palace from planes, preserving the exterior walls. Supporters of Salvador Allende emerged from a side entrance, realizing the futility of the situation. They were immediately forced face-down on the ground - an iconic photograph that circulated worldwide. Allende escaped using a weapon given to him by Fidel Castro. What was going through the newly appointed Commander-in-Chief's mind before the coup? He claimed that he prayed and that no one, including himself, knew how it would end. He had a choice: to refuse or to agree with the determined military leaders who likely would have proceeded with the coup regardless of his decision. Rumor has it that the final straw for the military was the presence of Cuban agitators who were sent to Chilean sailors. However, these agitators missed their target. The locally-built Navy revolted against this insult. The sailors approached Pinochet, and he said, "Yes." Perhaps he tried to convince himself that he was choosing between loyalty to his country and loyalty to the president. Perhaps he pondered the consequences that influential Cuban advisors, gaining strength themselves, could have on the country and the president, as well as the empty store shelves and rationing system. Maybe, as he faced this undoubtedly difficult choice, the aging general regretted not following in his father's footsteps as a customs officer, who envisioned a medical career for Augusto. Instead, Augusto persisted and ultimately entered military academy, where he twice was rejected due to poor health. With the same determination, he pursued everything else. Fighting against Marxists - until the end. Implementing economic reforms - until achieving complete victory for a liberal economy in the country. He had two goals: to eradicate communism and to uplift the country. He achieved both. He is credited for both. And he bears full responsibility for both.
Views on Pinochet
Once, the young Chilean director Sebastian Alarcon, who fled the military regime, made a film called "Night over Chile." On the fence of the infamous National Stadium, I saw the inscription, "The night over Chile has lasted for 25 years." Looking at the prosperous Santiago, one would not think so. It appears to be a bright day. That is perhaps the secret. For some, Pinochet is a villain, and for others, he is a beloved father figure. It is said that during his visit to the stadium, Pope John Paul II formed a large cross on the green field. Was it in memory of the deceased? A symbol of national reconciliation? A young administrator at the stadium, a blonde and blue-eyed Chilean, turned out to be a leftist in his beliefs. Perhaps that is why he works in this mournful place. He told me that all the arrested were herded onto the field, the most dangerous were taken away (to the stands), and the interrogations took place in small rooms under the stands, now administrative offices. The least dangerous prisoners were brought out through a special tunnel and placed in the stands. The dangerous ones were taken away and executed somewhere near the foothills of the Andes. "Why was Victor Jara killed?" I asked. He got caught up in the political turmoil. According to official data, the military regime was responsible for over 3,000 deaths and disappearances. Pinochet believes that "harsh measures" were necessary. He views those events as a war in which he faced a 15,000-strong army led by a Cuban general. Officially, Chile still invites the Cubans to come and dismantle the secret weapon caches that remain from that time. It is worth noting that if a full-scale civil war had broken out in Chile, the number of casualties could have been much higher, especially given the fiery revolutionary traditions of the Latin American continent. But that is just speculation. According to the memories of the journalists who were in Santiago during the coup, they still have nightmares to this day.
Pinochet's Later Years
It is difficult to say if Pinochet has nightmares. It is hard to imagine what internal monologues he has every year on September 11th during the solemn mass. Outwardly, it seems simple: "Everything we, the military, did, we did for Chile and not for ourselves, and we have no shame. Eight years ago, we voluntarily handed power back to civilians and consider our mission accomplished." A quarter of a century later, the country's economic success became the dominant factor when evaluating Pinochet, even for many Chileans. Even those who are not fans of the Chilean general admitted to me that without Pinochet, certain developments would have been impossible. Furthermore, unlike in Argentina, the military in Chile did not tarnish their reputation with corruption. Yes, outwardly, it all seems simple. However, for some reason, Pinochet ensured his immunity with a constitutional provision granting him lifelong senatorship with impunity in his homeland. Outside of Chile, he never had this immunity. Augusto Pinochet traveled abroad multiple times. Why did they wait 25 years to hold him accountable? It seems that only the relatives of the deceased and the missing have genuine feelings about his arrest and potential extradition to Spain. British Labour Party members earned points with human rights activists by balancing the conservatives' guilt, who were seen as friendly with Pinochet and, by the way, granted him a permanent visa. The unlucky politician from the socialist party, 42-year-old Judge Garzon, became a global celebrity in a matter of days: all the respectable newspapers in the world supported the noble initiative of the Spanish judge. However, it is worth noting that if Spain is so uncompromising with dictators, then it seems inappropriate, at the moment of establishing relations with Pinochet, to hold talks between the Spanish Prime Minister and Fidel Castro about strengthening bilateral relations.
Conclusion
In a paradoxical way, this revival of demands for accountability from Pinochet (which are justified) coincided with Chileans' attempt to end the painful quarter-century history and establish a National Day of Reconciliation. I believed and still believe that genuine reconciliation can only occur once all the painful questions of the past are addressed. But Chileans must address these questions themselves. They have not done so yet. Meanwhile, Pinochet remains under arrest in a London hospital. They say he has fallen into depression. It is not surprising as those who know him well claim that he can hide his emotions. When I asked him about the price of all this, he replied, "Sometimes, it makes me sick."
Pinochet led a life of going to the Senate twice a week. At the age of 82, he appeared to be a contented man. Family, numerous children, and grandchildren were the most important things to him. At least, that's what he said. He was not a poor man. The part of society that prospered under his reforms adored him. I was surprised to witness a young man from a well-off family who lived surrounded by photographs of Pinochet and aspired to be like him. For Pinochet, the perception of the youth, especially those born after 1973, is crucial.
It is a strange thing. Only after Pinochet's arrest did I fully understand the meaning of our strange dialogue about Stalin:
"Do you remember your Stalin? In his eyes, I was a child who may not remember Stalin."
"Yes, I remember him, of course."
"What is your opinion of him?""What about you?"
"I won't tell you. But I'm curious how you feel about him."
"I don't like him; he killed people," I replied, "although I know that many people would say otherwise: Stalin won the war."
"You see," Pinochet concluded.
Something flickered in his intonation. What did he think? Did he think about the fact that he might not escape a similar fate? Or that in 50 years, someone in Chile would answer the question about how they feel about Augusto Pinochet by saying, "I don't like him; he killed people"? And someone else would respond, "He saved the country and made it prosper."
That is how it will be. That is how it already is. Because no one can take away either from Pinochet. And that is precisely why Chileans will never finish writing their history textbooks. It ends with the sentence, "Then the military came and stopped the communists."
