Makhmud Dzhibril
LibyaElections in Libya
Last Saturday, elections were held in Libya for the General National Congress (GNC), which will function as both a parliament and a constitutional assembly. The majority of seats in this structure were won by pragmatic forces rather than ideological parties, as the main focus was on the economy. Conducting elections in a country that has experienced dictatorship, revolution, and civil war was a challenging task. In Libya, the situation was further complicated by several specific factors. Firstly, the central government was so weak that many doubted its physical ability to organize and conduct a nationwide vote. Secondly, in the east of the country, some residents initially considered the elections unfair because the west of Libya was allocated more seats in parliament. Thirdly, there had been no elections in Libya before (even falsified ones), so the process itself was completely unfamiliar to most of the population. Additionally, widespread arming of voters and lingering tensions in society could also spoil the "celebration of democracy". Some of these factors indeed hindered the smooth conduct of the elections. In particular, in the east of the country - in Ajdabiya and Benghazi - supporters of federalization destroyed several polling stations and burned ballots. Local residents had to grab their guns and disperse the rioters (one was even shot dead). After that, many polling stations in Benghazi were guarded by the voters themselves. Thus, those who wanted to disrupt the elections in eastern Libya did not achieve their goals.
In the west and center of the country, the voting process went more smoothly. There were no significant incidents reported, and it was free from riots and gunfire. Moreover, according to eyewitnesses, there was a festive atmosphere in Tripoli and its surroundings, with people congratulating each other on the opportunity to vote for the first time in their lives. Queues formed at the polling stations long before they opened, and newly registered voters patiently waited, standing under the scorching sun. Each person had to vote twice: for a specific candidate and for one of the numerous parties. The General National Congress has 200 seats, with 120 won by single-member candidates, and the remaining 80 distributed based on the results of the party list voting.
Biography of Mahmoud Jibril
Mahmoud Jibril is a Libyan politician who played a significant role in the country's political landscape. He received a brilliant education in the United States and, even during the dictatorship, managed to push through limited market reforms in Libya along with Saif al-Islam Gaddafi. Despite the continuing corruption and bureaucracy, by 2007, Libya began to experience something resembling the Soviet New Economic Policy. Cafes, restaurants, workshops, hair salons, and other small and medium-sized enterprises began to flourish everywhere. While entrepreneurs did not have complete freedom under Gaddafi, as they could be imprisoned or have their businesses confiscated at any time, the economic situation (especially in western Libya) noticeably improved even before the revolution. Jibril played a role as an ideologue of this liberalization, for which he is appreciated by many.
When the uprising broke out in Benghazi, Jibril was one of the first high-ranking officials to defect to the rebels' side. Becoming the de facto Prime Minister of eastern Libya, he tirelessly traveled the world, seeking international recognition and begging for funds to support the local economy. With incredible efforts, he managed to achieve this: even during the civil war, salaries were paid to government employees in the rebel-controlled territories, infrastructure worked, and the expected economic collapse with hunger and devastation did not occur. For this, the majority of Libyans also praise Jibril. It is worth noting one more (possibly unique for an Arab ruler) quality of the former prime minister. In the midst of the war, he stated that if he was not elected as prime minister, he would step down after the revolution's victory. Surprisingly, he did not cling to power and kept his promise. In late October 2011, Abdel Rahim al-Kib became the new head of the government. It should be noted that things did not go well for al-Kib: his government is accused of weakness, passivity, inability to solve the problems of eastern Libya, and numerous other shortcomings.
Meanwhile, Jibril worked on creating his own political party. And, as the election results showed, he succeeded there as well. The National Forces Alliance managed to earn a reputation as a party of honest people who set clear goals and are capable of achieving them. During the pre-election campaign, Jibril and his people behaved noticeably politely, refraining from making rude remarks about their opponents. Moreover, during one of the press conferences, the former prime minister came to the defense of Islamists when a journalist called them "extremists." Jibril immediately reacted, stating that "there are no extremists there." After the elections, when it became clear that his National Forces Alliance had won, Jibril again stated that he was ready for cooperation and the formation of a coalition with all other parties, as post-war societal consolidation is one of his priorities. Additionally, he made a gesture towards ethnic minorities - the Berbers and Tubu people - emphasizing that they had proven their patriotism during the war and the recent elections.
Although the majority of Libyans have no major complaints against Jibril, there is one circumstance that could potentially trouble him in the future. The leader of the National Forces Alliance belongs to the Warfalla tribe, which has a somewhat specific reputation in Libya. Representatives of this tribe are considered arrogant and haughty supporters of Gaddafi. Moreover, there has been a long-standing feud between Warfalla and Misrata, dating back to the early 20th century. By the way, according to preliminary information, Jibril received significantly fewer votes in Misrata than in Tripoli and Benghazi. His background is of importance to Misrata.
Since Jibril cannot change his tribe, he will have to win the favor of Misrata's residents in a different way: through economic growth. Creating the most favorable conditions for business and attracting domestic and foreign investments occupy a central place in his party's program. Currently, there are virtually no taxes or authorities controlling businesses in Libya. Under these conditions, the economy is growing rapidly. The only thing it lacked was significant capital investment, as investors were reluctant to bring money into a country without a legitimate government. The situation now has a chance to change for the better.
Libyans themselves envision their country as a Mediterranean Dubai in the future, where oil revenues will be invested in healthcare, education, and infrastructure, and the government will not interfere in business, allowing complete freedom. Jibril's program aligns with this goal, which is why so many people voted for him.
The new Libyan government will also have to deal with another pressing issue: the development imbalance between the east and west of the country. For decades, revenues from oil extraction in the east were invested in the infrastructure of western regions. As a result, Benghazi and Tripoli began to look like cities from different countries and eras. In dilapidated and littered Benghazi, there was not even sewage or proper roads in many places. At the same time, the capital sparkled with five-star hotels and expensive shopping centers. The east rightly felt deprived, and this is why ideas about federalization are gaining popularity. If the situation in Cyrenaica does not improve quickly after the elections, there will be more and more supporters of complete or partial secession.
Jibril and his party will be able to start working in about a month: this is the time allotted for the creation of coalitions and the formation of the government. In addition to legislative work, the newly elected deputies will have to write a new constitution, which will later be put to a referendum. Since the National Forces Alliance will have a majority in the GNC, Libya's Basic Law has a good chance of becoming a manifesto of political and economic liberalism.
It is expected that in 2013, after the adoption of the constitution, Libya will hold new elections for a permanent (rather than temporary, as now) parliament.
